Posts tagged ‘Occupy’

March 14, 2012

Free Radicals: On the true spirit of the English

There’ll always be an England – but is this what it should look like?

Patriotism is a dirty word these days. For all the diverse bluster of our politicians and right-wing journalists, nationalism exists in only two, rather flawed modes: the bland, teary-eyed flag waving of Britishness; inclusive to all and tied more to narrow political values of citizenship and democracy than any broader cultural vision, and the backward, small-town, conservative xenophobia of Englishness. Denuded of its once imperial pretentions, Britishness has become something of a civic duty – a demonstration of a willingness to participate in public life – and little more. Englishness, in most cases, seems to be merely an ideological deployment of Stuff White People Like (British Chapter), combined with a nastier element; a performance of the fears some have about how that might change in a global world. What’s worse, is that the two are frequently confused, Britishness being used to refer to Englishness being used to refer to Britishness… to almost infinite regress.

Confusions aside, I have less beef with the new vision of Britishness. All states have their theatrics of belonging, and the government at Westminster is no different. At least it is an open, inclusive vision of citizenship – a hell of a lot better than the restrictive, crypto-Metropolitanism that Britishness used to be; under whose auspices Welsh, Irish, Scottish and regional cultures were almost stamped out. A more pressing concern for me is the state of Englishness. Regardless of whether it is the middle class vision lampooned by Jam and Jerusalem or the more working class mixture of football and fame; both have an unnerving tendency towards a fear of “others” – foreigners, outsiders or dissenters – that betrays an ignorance of history. After all, the Cross of St George is the symbol of a Middle-Eastern Saint, adopted after the Crusades. Tea is imported from India. Jam started off in France. Looking to Christianity, St George and football to give us our sense of Englishness always seemed odd to me – all these tropes are world-covering in scope, and yet are frequently paraded about by bigots who tout them as symbols of the essence of one specific nation.

Of course, all this goes to show a basic truth that anthropologists have understood for decades – that all nations are imagined communities. Created on the basis of common destinies cooked up by intellectuals, artists and others with a platform and an agenda, pretty much any human community of any size is intentionally forged by some historical figure or other. Englishness is the way it is not because of any natural facts of blood and soil, but because persons or persons unknown decreed it so.

Norwegian nationalism was made by painters, writers and musicians

Some nations, such as Norway, arose as concepts more or less directly from the Romantic movement. 19th century Norwegian intellectuals and artists such as Asbjørnsen, Lindemen and Grieg set about recording the folk practices of their newly-born country (it had been a Danish province for some 400 years), and forged from both these records and their own genius something of a collective soul for the Norwegian people. Of course, England also had its own Romantic movement, but it seems to not have had anything like the same kind of impact on the nationalism that eventually took shape here. England was very much eclipsed by Britain as a favoured concept early on, and so it was eventually Britannia, not Ing, who prevailed as the favoured Genius Populi. With modernity’s vicious destruction of folk culture in the early half of the 20th century, the only ethnic identity people could turn back to once Britishness shed its ethnic associations was what they remained passionate about – sport, Christianity and popular culture.

As a result, the nostalgia of present day wannabe nation-builders is invested in the 50s (when Britishness involved a rolling-out of English culture, before the race-riots of the 60s), not pre-Industrial times as with other nationalisms. And given the short period of time between then and now, this supposed “happier time” is only too easy to pick holes in. 1950s Britain was oppressive, inane in its disrespect for the past and faith in the future, racist, sexist, homophobic, and imperialistic. It had yet to challenge the many grotesqueries of capitalism. So a collective imaginary rooted in such an era is bound to be negatively contaminated with such attitudes.

The Children of Robin Hood?

But within this rather sorry state of affairs, there lies an opportunity. With the hideousness of nationalism so closely bound-up with an obviously false essentialism and an oppressive cultural outlook, we have the chance to do away with it, and replace it with something more in tune with contemporary values. The same ingredients the early romantics of Norway used to produce a sense of collective culture – folkways – have in England been left mercifully untainted by the bad old days of ethnocentric nationalism. What’s more, during the 60s and 90s especially, English people have drawn on these traditions to support the various protest movements and rebellions of the 20th century. I see it as no coincidence that the Battle of Beanfield occurred just when Richard Carpenter’s mystical Robin of Sherwood was being broadcast on British television – they are both manifestations of the deeply spiritual and profoundly rebellious spirit of the English people.

To me, English folk culture is the missing ingredient in creating the right kind of English ethnicity for a pluralist society. It is local, it is assertive, it is historically (and mythically) rooted, and yet it isn’t intolerant or oppressive. In fact, it can easily be interpreted as quite the opposite. Whether we think of Wat Tyler or Robin Hood, The Levellers or The Travellers, there is a long and proud tradition of ordinary English people fighting for freedom and equality – precisely the things that identity politics and now the Occupy movement are demanding. Folk culture has, and can provide a symbolic language to articulate this. This freedom-loving nature of course isn’t unique to the English, nor are the English “essentially” about freedom. The rise of Elgar-fuelled nationalist pomp is proof against that kind of naïveté. But given how all cultures are made, not born, surely we can re-make English culture out of these radical historical ingredients, and put it to work in leading the English to a better destiny? Perhaps now is the time we should see ourselves, as one of my favourite musicians Damh the Bard puts it, as the sons and daughters of Robin Hood.

November 22, 2011

Tina ist tot: A chance for real consensus?

The Iron Lady aka Tina.

The other day, I read a very interesting article by Owen Jones (of Chavs: The Demonisation of the Working Class fame) in the Independent. In it, Jones claims the economic consensus that underpinned the Thatcherite, Tina (There Is No Alternative”) mantra of necessary cuts and capitalist triumphalism has finally been shattered. The “Age of Consensus” as he calls it – a time when men like Francis Fukuyama could proclaim the end of history, when Reds were dead, Labour politicians were blue and laissez-faire capitalism was the only show in town – has finally come to a well deserved end. In the UK, Public sector unions are preparing to strike in singular condemnation of an economic system that makes public sector cuts a necessary fallout from private sector mistakes. 51% of people agreed with the Occupy movement’s opposition to the placing of “profit before people”, in one poll taken last month. Pundits are talking about basic, bread-and-butter political economy again. Jones goes on to sound a note of caution; that this shattering of consensus is about to get ugly. Indeed, it does seem that we’ve turned back the clock somewhat, with familiar old political rivalries blossoming into prominence – the EDL’s recent threats and attacks on occupations and their hostility towards upcoming trade union protests seems to be rather reminiscent of old-fashioned fascist trot-bashing, and the response shown by American police towards U.S. occupations has all the uncompromising brutality of late-nineteenth century goon squads. Even beyond the scrapping that will undoubtedly take place at the grassroots, it remains to be seen how the major parties and state infrastructure moves to respond to the growing chorus demanding change.

Owen Jones

Owen Jones: Calling time on Tina.

But what I hope doesn’t get swept away in the onrushing tide of new thinking is the idea of consensus itself. Because really, if we’re honest, what we’ve had over the past couple of decades hasn’t been a “consensus” at all. It isn’t as if sometime in the 80s the people of the world sat down together and democratically hammered out a system that would cater to all our diverse needs and capacities. Rather, the clue behind the true nature of “the consensus” lies in its full name – “The Washington Consensus.” Rather than a consensus, what we have had is a swaggering, globally engaged dominant discourse; an ideology that was able to outlast the other great intellectual juggernauts of the industrial age, not through a groundswell of public support (as the noble term “consensus” would indicate), or because of its practical value (as Tina would have it) but through its patronage by the District of Columbia. The Neoliberal Ideology served to create a cosy relationship between the rich and powerful in the (traditionally separate) spheres of national politics and international business; whose legal and institutional procedures were enforced by pugilistic foreign and economic policies and justified by academic grandees funded by generous grants from the business community.

The Age of Consensus was governed by almost the polar opposite of a true consensus – a set of beliefs that were decided upon by one, small but powerful group of people, who then used their power to force everyone else to agree with them. The presence of Tina at the centre of their rhetoric makes this clear – saying that there is no alternative is a sure-fire sign of somebody who wants to shut down debate. True consensus is a gold standard for inclusive, everchanging democracy – attempting to create agreement, or at the very least mutual understanding, by the careful and honest sharing of diverse perspectives among equals. As Foucault observed, it is impossible to avoid playing games of power – some people are better at persuading than others – but at least you can make sure there is as little domination as possible. Everyone is included, and nobody is left behind. For me, this ideal still holds water – without it, we are doomed to recreating the fractious tribalism and eventual bloodshed to which past revolutions have fallen. Hope, for me, comes in the shape of things like OccupyLSX’s Bank of Ideas, where people are coming together to discuss a viable alternative to mainstream political economy. Hopefully, whatever alternative/s that space produces, it will be remembered that it is only establishing true consensus, rather than claiming it as a fait accompli, that would be truly revolutionary.

October 15, 2011

Adam Smith vs. Neoliberalism: The Rise and Rise of Greed

Adam Smith is something of a saint for right-wingers. The big grand-daddy of liberal political economy, Adam Smith literally wrote the book on how people can, through “truck, barter and exchange” unintentionally create the best conditions for human happiness. He’s even had his name stamped all over one of the biggest, baddest right-wing think-tanks in the UK – The Adam Smith Institute. The funny thing is, though, that Smith would actually disagree markedly with most of the ASA’s recommendations, if he were alive today. In fact, the ASA practice a philosophy so far removed his own, Smith’s cadaver must currently have greater RPM than a washing machine in spin cycle.

Here’s why: According to most liberals, a (perhaps the) key function of the state is to defend liberty. In economic terms, this means a responsibility to defend the freedom of the market. Both classical liberals (Smith) and neoliberals (the ASA, Thatcher, Reagan… in fact, most mainstream politicians and economists) agree on this. But unlike Smith, neoliberals envision the free market as a world of do-as-you-please – where, to quote Gordon Gekko (and the ASA), greed is good. For Smith, by contrast, it is not the greed for profit that creates prosperity; it is the freedom itself. Greed (defined as self-interest without restraint via empathy) is actually seen by him as dangerous.

In the elegantly liberal formulation of Smith’s thought in The Wealth of Nations, it becomes rapidly apparent why he believes greed to be so dangerous.

  1. The market, as the free circulation of goods and services by competing merchants, is a valuable and powerful institution for securing the common good. It must be protected from monopolistic interests that distort beneficial market forces.
  2. However, markets have a natural tendency towards monopoly.
  3. Here we have the central problem. Markets are victims of their own success – the good businesses created by the market eventually stifle the freedom of the market itself. How can this be solved?
  4. Answer: Within the market, monopolies are forbidden. This is enforced by the state by strengthening economic actors’ freedom from other, more powerful actors (via anti-trust legislation, civil liberties) and freedom to act themselves (via a welfare state, affordable start-up loans).
  5. But in order to achieve the power necessary to put in place these provisions, how does the state avoid the worst excesses of monopoly itself?
  6. Answer: By developing an internal market of ideas (a true democracy), the state benefits from the insights of independent citizens, but nonetheless retains the power that comes with being big.

Though it sounds paradoxical, in order to create a truly free space for commerce, you need to restrict the freedoms of some for the benefit of all. Think of it like a garden – if you want to grow a wide variety of plants, you don’t just neglect the garden completely. If you do, all you’ll get is nettles.

At this stage, sadly, we don’t have this arrangement. Anti-trust legislation is not strict enough, nor is the welfare state efficient enough. Big corporations are able to use their financial muscle to influence policy makers, town planners and consumers in ways that benefit their own business models, but are detrimental to the common good. Worse, their huge market share means that big corporations are “too big to fail” – as if they did go under, vast numbers of employees and consumers would be affected. The welfare state (where it exists), though insulating people from the worst excesses of poverty, makes the poor reliant upon the state taxation of big business, creating resentment and class warfare, and making the state even more reliant upon large corporations.  What we are left with is neither fish nor fowl – a system that necessitates state interference in the market and collusion between huge monopolistic interests rather than the liberation of real people.

There’s one final question here – qui bono? It’s obvious – the rich. They get to make vast profits, while the rest of us reap the whirlwind of a dysfunctional and decidedly un-free market. Having twisted the liberating ideas of Smith into giving carte-blanche for greed, supported by the ideologues at the ASA, the rich have once again used ideology to fox ordinary people. And because they are at the top of a monopoly, they are able to lobby the government to legitimate even greater concentrations of wealth and even greater distortions of the market to suit their ends; keeping an unfair system limping on that bit longer, to they can squeeze that bit more blood from our stones.

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